Speeches and Transcripts
U.S.-ROK RELATIONS AND THE NORTH KOREAN CHALLENGESpeech to Citizens United for Better Society (CUBS) October 18, 2006 I’m really happy to be here at this meeting of Citizens United for Better Society (CUBS). Let me thank the co-chairman, Dr. Yoo Se-hee, for his introduction. I understand CUBS has been diligently working together with other NGOs to suggest constructive policies on important social issues. I would also like to salute your concern for human rights. I’ve been told that, since your establishment in March 2002, your organization has grown to over 20,000 members. Scholars, lawyers, former government officials and newspaper editors are all enthusiastic participants in your activities. With such a distinguished audience, it is truly an honor for me to speak to you today regarding the U.S. perspective on our bilateral relationship. First of all, let me dispel the notion that the U.S.-ROK relationship is defined exclusively by our defense alliance or by the challenge posed by North Korea. Our military cooperation has certainly played a major role in our relationship, but Koreans and Americans are united in so many other ways, including through economic links and family ties. Of course, occasionally single events – such as the recent nuclear test conducted by the DPRK – dominate the headlines. But when these events occur, it is important that we remind ourselves of our shared interests and the common values of democracy and freedom that serve as the foundation for our common efforts. To speak for a moment about North Korea’s October 9 nuclear test, I think that all of you, like those of us at the U.S. Embassy, are extremely concerned about both the occurrence of that event and what lies ahead. In that context, it may be helpful for me to take this opportunity to explain the U.S. position on this test and the steps we are taking to try to bring about a change in DPRK behavior and a return to diplomacy. You may have seen President Bush’s statement on October 9 in which he said: “The United States condemns this provocative act. Once again North Korea has defied the will of the international community, and the international community will respond.” He went on to explain that he had already consulted with world leaders (including President Roh Moo-Hyun) about the test – consultations that have since continued on many intergovernmental levels. Today, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is in Tokyo and tomorrow she and her delegation will come to Seoul. As she explained in Washington before departing for this important trip, her goals are: “to advance our diplomatic efforts to implement Resolution 1718, to address common threats to peace and stability, and to thwart the ambitions of states that illicitly seek to develop weapons of mass destruction. The purpose of my trip is to rally the support of our friends and allies in Northeast Asia for our comprehensive strategy.” During her trip Secretary Rice intends to address five areas. First, she will address strengthening strategic relationships in the region. She is going to make clear, as President Bush has, that the United States has both the will and capability to meet the full range of our security and deterrent commitments to allies like South Korea and Japan. She will tell regional leaders that North Korea’s behavior has clarified the strategic interests that we share, and that to advance these common interests, every country in the region must share the burdens as well as the benefits of our common security. Second, she will explain that as North Korea scorns the international community, we will collectively isolate the DPRK from the benefits of participation in that community. North Korea cannot endanger the world and then expect other nations to conduct business as usual in arms or missile technology. She will say that the United States expects every member of the international community to fully implement all aspects of UNSC resolution 1718 and we expect the Security Council to aggressively monitor the process. Third, she will stress the necessity for the United States and all its partners to expand defensive measures to counter North Korea’s full array of illicit and proliferation activities. Resolution 1718 has set a new international standard, requiring states to ensure that North Korea neither imports nor exports proliferation-sensitive materials. To this end, Secretary Rice will talk to the South Korean government about our request for the ROK to join with others to expand cooperation through the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI). PSI has been wildly misrepresented in the Korean media and by some Korean politicians. The idea is to use lawful means to prevent and disrupt the global traffic in weapons of mass destruction and related materials – with each country choosing the forms of its participation. As President Bush said last week, the transfer of nuclear weapons or material by North Korea to any state or non-state entity would be considered a grave threat to the United States and we would hold North Korea accountable for the consequences of such an action. Fourth, Secretary Rice will talk to South Korean leaders and others about the urgent need to ensure the continued vitality of the global regime to prevent and counter the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The greatest challenge to the nonproliferation regime comes from countries that violate their pledges to respect the Nonproliferation Treaty. The North Korean regime is one such case, but also so is Iran, so Secretary Rice will be making clear that the North Korean issue cannot be viewed in isolation. Finally, and importantly, Secretary Rice wants to use the trip to remind North Korea that a positive path remains open to it through the Six Party Talks. Thus far, North Korea has chosen the path of confrontation and all that that path entails: deepening isolation, a failing economy and few opportunities for its oppressed peoples. With Resolution 1718, the world is sending a clear message to the North Koreans that they must make a new set of calculations about the costs of their current pattern of behavior. North Korea must honor its own agreements, its 1991 joint pledge of denuclearization with South Korea, and the denuclearization pledge it made during the Six Party Talks in September 2005. To those responsibilities we must now add full compliance with UNSC Resolution 1718. If North Korea reverses course and embraces the path of cooperation – if it makes the strategic choice to dismantle its nuclear weapons completely, verifiably and irreversibly – an entirely new and better future would be open to both the country and its people. The United States regards its alliance and relationship with South Korea as very important at this time, because it is vital that our two countries work together to send a firm message to North Korea that it has chosen the wrong path. I don’t need to tell this audience that the DPRK’s October 9 provocation is completely contrary to the spirit of the “peace and prosperity” policy that the South Korean people have worked so hard on. Therefore, the decisions that our two countries – and other stakeholders – make in the coming days to enforce UN Security Council Resolution 1718 will be of crucial importance. Before I conclude, let me say a few words about some other aspects of the U.S.-Korean relationship – because, despite the inordinate amount of time I spend on North Korea, it is not the central issue in our relations! In fact, since I arrived in Seoul one year ago, I have become more and more impressed by the breadth and diversity of the cooperation between our two countries and our two peoples. One example is our negotiation of the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement, or KORUS FTA. Both the United States and Korea place high value on doing what is necessary to ensure that the future of our children and grandchildren is even better, brighter and more prosperous than today. And both the United States and Korea have learned through experience that the best way to promote economic growth is through expanding trade and economic engagement with the world. Moreover, both the United States and Korea face the challenge of new economic powers in the Asia Pacific region, and the need to modernize so we can respond to this challenge. Our two nations have decided that the best way to enhance our economic well-being, and to create a prosperous future for our children, is to negotiate a comprehensive, high-standards FTA between our two countries. The benefits could be vast. Exports in both countries would soar, foreign investment would increase, and studies show that about a half a million new jobs would be created here in Korea alone. We’ve already had three negotiating rounds for our KORUS FTA, and the fourth round will be held in Jeju next week. These are complex negotiations, and in order to reach a mutually acceptable conclusion, compromises will need to be made on both sides. I know there are some people, in both Korea and the United States, who are uncertain or afraid of the impact that the FTA could have on them, or on their relatives. But history has shown that whenever there is a new trade agreement, there will be people who will protest against it, but ultimately their gloomy predictions rarely come true. Trade makes people richer – Korea’s spectacular growth over the last 50 years is an excellent example of that. When Presidents Roh and Bush met in Washington last month, they pledged their unequivocal recommitment to the FTA; I’m confident their guidance will help encourage our negotiators to take the necessary steps to move the negotiations forward in Jeju next week. This will help us not merely move to the common goal of a “win-win” trade agreement that creates meaningful new economic opportunities, but it will also further bolster the ties between our two nations. Another issue that dominates the U.S.-Korea relationship these days is Korea’s inclusion in the U.S. Visa Waiver Program. With the growing number of personal ties between our nations, our governments remain actively engaged on the visa waiver issue. Koreans are traveling in increasing numbers to the U.S., and we welcome them with open arms. Just in the last few weeks Korean Air started direct flight service to Las Vegas, a truly American, great city – whether you like casinos or not. I look forward to hearing of many more Koreans traveling to Las Vegas. And I am optimistic that, in the not-too-distant future, Koreans will be able to travel to Las Vegas not only without a rest stop but without a visa. President Bush reaffirmed his commitment to this principle during his September summit with President Roh; visa-free travel is something both he and I want to see happen. In the meantime, our governments are working diligently to ensure that other requirements are met. The Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs has developed an e-passport, which is one of the requirements for VWP membership, and we continue to work closely with Korean law enforcement on issues such as visa fraud and human trafficking. In closing, let me emphasize again the many facets of the U.S.-ROK relationship. In the coming weeks and months, both our governments will work hard to ensure that our countries enjoy a secure and prosperous future for the generations to come. The successful conclusion of the KORUS FTA and bringing Korea into the visa waiver program will further strengthen our already-solid alliance, reinforcing the mutual defense commitments that lie at its core. And I am confident that if South Korea and the United States – along with Japan, China, Russia and other concerned countries – stand together in meeting the challenge posed by North Korea’s nuclear test, we will succeed in getting Pyongyang back to the negotiating table and on the way to eliminating its destabilizing nuclear program. My government is grateful to be working with the competent, serious professionals in the South Korean government on this critical issue, and I am optimistic that the strength of our alliance, and the shared values and interests that underpin it, will help us overcome this challenge. |



