Embassy of the United States

Speeches and Transcripts

CURRENT AND FUTURE CHALLENGES IN U.S.-ROK RELATIONS

Remarks by Alexander Vershbow
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Korea
Kookmin University Special Lecture Program
Seoul, Korea

November 2, 2006

Thank you to President Kim Moon-hwan for extending to me the invitation to speak with you today, and to Professor Moon Chang-ro for his kind introduction.  I am delighted to be here addressing the Kookmin University Special Lecture Program on the topic of U.S.-ROK Relations.  It is a pleasure to follow my diplomatic colleagues – the Ambassadors from Australia, Vietnam, France and the United Kingdom – who have spoken to you in the past.  Kookmin University has graduated many illustrious and influential students.  I congratulate President Kim, his hardworking university administrators and your many gifted teachers for doing such an excellent job of educating the next generation of Korean leaders.  Above all I am honored to have the chance to speak directly to you, the students of Kookmin University.  I understand that last month (October 18) you celebrated the 60^th anniversary of this distinguished institution of higher learning.  Allow me to wish your university a very Happy Birthday.  I look forward to coming back to speak to you again on the occasion of your 100^th anniversary!

The relationship between the United States and the Republic of Korea is one of historic friendship, close cooperation, and partnership.  There are many aspects to our relationship – many issues we are currently working on together – that I could address today.  However, since you would probably like me to finish this speech before you graduate, I will focus on three important areas – three things the United States and the Republic of Korea can do to deepen our friendship and enhance our cooperation.

• The first is to respond – calmly but firmly – to North Korea’s decision to launch missiles and conduct a nuclear test, as the basis for convincing North Korea to denuclearize within the Six-Party Talks.  This includes strengthening the U.S.-ROK Alliance.
• The second is for the United States and South Korea to reach a Free Trade Agreement to our enduring mutual benefit.
• The third is to continue to work toward South Korea’s inclusion in the U.S. Visa Waiver Program, a move that would ease the travel of the many South Korean citizens who wish to visit my country.

North Korea: Enforcing The Will of the International Community

First off, let me say that we are all encouraged that, in Beijing on Tuesday, North Korea agreed to return to the Six-Party Talks without preconditions.  This is a welcome step, but there is a long way to go before the North Korean nuclear crisis is resolved.  It remains the task of the international community to convince the DPRK that it must fulfill its commitment to the peaceful denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.  In this regard, I would like to stress several important points: 

U.S. Commitment:  First, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice emphasized during her recent visit to this region that, despite the North Koreans’ nuclear test, “the United States retains the will and capacity to meet the full range of our security and deterrence commitments to allies such as the Republic of Korea and Japan.”  The Secretary also made clear, as President Bush has done, that “the United States has no intention of attacking or invading North Korea.” 

International Resolve: Second, the DPRK’s October 9 nuclear test was a provocative act, but the international community has been responding in a deliberate way to deal with North Korea’s nuclear program.  As someone who has been involved in international diplomacy for thirty years, I have been struck by the extensive international coordination in reaction to the nuclear test, demonstrating the common interests that countries share in facing this threat.  That coordination started on the morning after the test when the foreign ministers of South Korea, Japan, China, Russia and the United States held a conference call to plan a common approach.  A few days later, after more intense consultations, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1718.  I would also note that during this time, President Bush was in close contact with President Roh.  The international cooperation was demonstrated further when Secretary Rice met her counterparts in Seoul, Tokyo, Beijing and Moscow.  Finally, and very importantly, close cooperation between the United States and China led to Assistant Secretary Hill’s October 31 Beijing meetings that resulted in the announcement on the resumption of the Six-Party Talks.

South Korea’s Role: Third, the United States and other members of the international community welcomed South Korea’s strong support for UN Security Council Resolution 1718, and we have welcomed statements that the ROK plans to actively implement the resolution.  Resolution 1718 was passed unanimously, and it remains in force until North Korea complies with its terms – that is, until North Korea has denuclearized.  The resolution requires that every country cease all trade with North Korea in materials and technology that could be used for nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles and deny North Korea access to the finances that could support its weapons programs.  The resolution also denies North Korea significant military hardware and luxury goods.  Every country, including the U.S. and South Korea, is now obligated to take actions to implement this resolution.

A Choice for the Future: Continued unity and resolve on the part of the international community will send a stern message to North Korea:  If North Korea seeks confrontation, it will have to confront the world.  There is, however, a much better alternative than confrontation – a solution that is better for the international community, better for the United States, and especially better for North Korea.  That is to solve the North Korean nuclear issue through diplomacy.   The United States’ goal, in cooperation with South Korea and other members of the international community, is to implement the September 19, 2005 Joint Statement of the Six Party Talks.  The Joint Statement says the “DPRK (is) committed to abandoning all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programs” while the other five countries undertake to normalize relations, provide economic and energy assistance to the DPRK, and work toward lasting peace and security in Northeast Asia, including a permanent peace regime on the Korean peninsula.

It is not true for North Korea to state that our policies are hostile.  We are very sensitive to the concerns of South Korea.  We understand the importance of stability and the need to avoid armed hostilities.  But it is also true that the will of the international community must be enforced.  It therefore remains as important as ever that UN member states fulfill their obligation to carry out all the provisions of UNSC Resolution 1718.  This is the best way to ensure that, when the negotiations resume in the coming weeks, we don’t just have more talks, but that we see early steps to implement the September Joint Statement.  Implementation is the key. 

The U.S.-ROK Alliance: A More Capable and Balanced Partnership

Right now we cannot be sure that North Korea is prepared to abandon the path of confrontation and accept and implement a diplomatic solution.  That is why the United States and the Republic of Korea have a strong alliance.  Given recent events, it is in the clear interest of both our countries that we continue to maintain and enhance our security alliance, not just in response to the actions of North Korea, but for the sake of the enduring peace and stability of the entire Northeast Asian region.  Two weeks ago, our military leaders met for the 38^th Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) and reaffirmed our enduring security commitment to one another.

The United States is fortunate that our partner in this alliance has developed into a great and successful country, with formidable armed force of its own.  And the Republic of Korea is also fortunate because its partner in this alliance is a reliable friend and ally possessing additional capabilities that can greatly assist the ROK.  American and South Korean strategic interests are much the same: we both want to protect peace and prosperity on the peninsula and throughout the region.  We both value democracy above all else.  We both want to see all the Korean people reunited as a free, democratic, and prosperous country.  Without hesitation I would hold up our alliance as one of the finest and most enduring security structures the world has ever seen. 

There are, however, several important, concrete actions we should take together as allies to demonstrate for the world to see that our alliance is not only undaunted by North Korea’s belligerence, but is in fact becoming an ever more capable partnership.   If that is demonstrated by our actions, deterrence will be enhanced and the stability we have worked so hard to secure over the past half century will continue to define the security environment in this region.  Specifically, I recommend we work to strengthen the U.S.-ROK alliance in the following ways:

OPCON Transfer: We must recognize the fact that the alliance is changing to reflect the realities of today.  The alliance is, and should become, a more balanced partnership.  Both of our countries have also grown much stronger militarily over the years.  For these reasons, the time has come for the ROK to assume wartime operational control as soon as possible.  Too much of the discussion in the media on this issue has a tone of insecurity about it, when in fact it is good news that this transfer – if carried out in accordance with the roadmap that our defense ministers have approved – can be done without any reduction in our combined ability to deter and defend against external threats.  It is the next appropriate step in the natural evolution of our alliance.

Rest assured the U.S. military is clearly committed to continuing to provide any of the “bridging capabilities” that the ROK military will continue to need in order to carry out the transfer without risk.  And our commitment to the defense of the ROK – with the full spectrum of U.S. capabilities, both conventional and nuclear – will remain absolute even after the transfer is complete.

Completion of Our Military Transformation: The second task is to complete the relocation and consolidation of U.S. forces on the peninsula.  When the Yongsan Relocation Plan and Land Partnership Plans are completed, the United States will have returned two-thirds of the land USFK currently uses for its part in defending the alliance with no diminution in our combined defense capability.  That is also very good news.  It means that in the future your children can play in what will become Yongsan Central Park.  And it means USFK will have a modern, well-equipped facility at Pyongtaek from which to better carry out its alliance responsibilities.  Simply put, it is a win-win situation.  That is why your government and ours agreed to it.  We must now work together to fully implement that plan.

Agreement on Equitable Cost-Sharing: The third task I urge to completion is a Special Measures Agreement that will gradually increase South Korea’s share of certain USFK stationing costs until we reach an equitable split.  After that, there will be no need for further increases and, indeed, we expect those costs eventually to decrease.  In past SMA negotiations the U.S. Government showed understanding when the South Korean economy was in great difficulty, such as during the Asian Economic Crisis.  You are now one of the world’s leading economies.  The cost-sharing agreement we are currently negotiating covers only a portion of the total costs of maintaining U.S. forces here.  Other costs include highly sophisticated equipment worth billions of dollars that are borne entirely by the U.S. Government.  To my mind, a more even split is not too much to ask when you consider that most of that money flows right back into the South Korean economy.