Speeches and Transcripts
Korea U.S. Relations: Today and Tomorrow
Alexander Vershbow
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Korea
Korea Forum for Progress
Seoul - December 21, 2006
I would like to thank Prime Minister Nam Duck-woo for inviting me to speak with you today. And let me also congratulate him, as the Chairman of the Korea Forum for Progress, for bringing together such an illustrious group of leaders from government, education and business. It is especially encouraging to see a number of former leaders who are not content to sit at home or play golf every day, although many of you might want to be playing golf right now, if only it were a bit warmer! Instead, you continue to actively contribute to Korea’s development as an economic and democratic model, not only in this region, but in the world.
Prime Minister Nam is, of course, a legendary figure in South Korean political and economic development. When we talk about the Miracle on the Han, we are paying an enormous tribute to the Korean leaders of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s who had the vision and the will to make your country what it is today – a robust and vibrant democracy and a global economic leader in industries such as autos, shipbuilding, and semiconductors, to name just a few. Koreans owe a tremendous debt of gratitude to Prime Minister Nam and this entire generation of leaders for the freedom and prosperity that they now enjoy.
I am also mindful that Americans, too, are very thankful and appreciative of the efforts of Prime Minister Nam and his contemporaries, whose vision for Korea has always emphasized the centrality of the U.S.-ROK relationship. As we look back at history, the path chosen by Korea’s leaders could have been a very different one. Yet they have chosen to emphasize the values we share – democracy and open markets – to build a Republic of Korea based on these common ideals. As U.S. Ambassador, I am delighted to pay tribute to Prime Minister Nam and address this Forum on U.S.-ROK relations, specifically on where we are now and where we going.
Six-Party Talks
I would like to begin by making a few observations about one of the most prominent issues in our bilateral relationship, the Six-Party Talks. Of course you are all aware the Talks are being conducted in Beijing this week and I am sure, just like everyone in Korea and around the world, you are hoping for a positive outcome. Our two governments have been coordinating closely in recent weeks in order to maximize the chances for success.
We have made it clear from the highest levels of my government that we want to resolve the North Korean issue through diplomacy, meaning, the Six-Party Talks. The context for the negotiations has been made more challenging by the North Koreans’ provocative behavior over the past year, including their missile launches and nuclear test. But we are also heartened by the unified response of the international community to these actions, as reflected in UN Security Council Resolution 1718. That legally-binding resolution not only imposes sanctions, but demands that North Korea fulfill its previous commitments to the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula if it hopes to see those sanctions lifted.
The basis for a solution to the North Korean issue remains the Joint Statement of September 19, 2005. President Bush and Secretary Rice have given their commitment that the United States is ready to implement all aspects of the Joint Statement. That statement says the “DPRK (is) committed to abandoning all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programs” while the other five countries undertake actions to normalize relations, provide economic and energy assistance to the DPRK, and work toward building lasting peace and security in Northeast Asia, including a permanent peace regime on the Korean peninsula.
Since October 31, when the DPRK agreed to return to the Talks, Assistant Secretary Christopher Hill has repeatedly said that the crux of these talks will be implementation of the September 19 Joint Statement. In particular, we are looking for early, concrete actions by North Korea that demonstrate that it is genuinely prepared to shut down and ultimately eliminate its nuclear programs. If North Korea is prepared to denuclearize, it has a lot to gain – for its country and its people. If not, it faces a much harsher future.
Regional Security in Asia
As I review the September 19 Joint Statement, I am once again reminded how comprehensive and powerful a document it is. Not only does the Statement cover the core issue of denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, it also begins to lay out the groundwork for peace and security in the greater Northeast Asian region.
The Joint Statement specifically mentions that all parties will abide by “recognized norms of international relations.” It further says that the parties will work “to promote economic cooperation in the fields of energy, trade and investment, bilaterally and/or multilaterally.” It doesn’t require any stretch of the imagination to see how this statement, and the Six-Party Talks themselves, might evolve into a regional framework or institution aimed at strengthening peace and prosperity throughout Northeast Asia. Through face-to-face meetings we can began to build trust. Then, through implementation of agreed-upon principles, existing partnerships can be strengthened and new partnerships can be formed.
Successful resolution of the nuclear issue in the Six-Party Talks will also open the way to the establishment of the “permanent peace regime” for the Korean Peninsula mentioned in the Joint Statement. I can think of no better item to include on my Wish List during this holiday season than to schedule a date on my calendar sometime during my tenure as Ambassador when we can hold a ceremony and sign a document to officially replace the 1953 Armistice Agreement. This event would not only be a crowning achievement for the U.S.-ROK alliance, but also a defining moment for security throughout Northeast Asia.
Multilateral Efforts
In a September speech by Foreign Minister Ban Ki-moon to the Asia Society in New York, Mr. Ban, speaking about multilateralism, noted that while the Asia-Pacific region was on the rise in terms of political and economic influence, the region’s security situation is far less developed. With different cultures, different assessments of the past and, of course, historical enmity, Asian nations are wary of one another and don’t share a sense of common purpose. However, now-UN Secretary-General Ban noted that regional cooperation needs to be increased and institutionalized. In this regard, some progress has been made as regional forums like ASEAN+3, APEC and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) have grown in relevance. However, more action-oriented mechanisms are needed to assure peace and security. Toward this end, Asia can learn from Europe’s post-war experience of committing itself to multinational governance through NATO, the European Union and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, or OSCE.
I have some experience working with these issues in Europe, and I think the European experience could be quite relevant here in Northeast Asia. Of course, it’s not going to be easy, bringing giants like China, Russia and Japan together in a common forum. But the establishment of the Six-Party Talks offers a useful precedent. Furthermore, I am optimistic because more and more leaders in this region are coming around to the view that peace and security require greater cooperation and understanding. They are also realizing that economic prosperity very much depends on working together. After all, the European Union we know today, which will soon comprise 27 member states, began as a gathering of six European nations in what was then called the European Coal and Steel Community.
I see very positive signs in the establishment of various trade agreements in the region. The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, or APEC, is an example of a multilateral forum that provides both our countries an opportunity to work together with other member nations on regional and global issues. The United States is pursuing several key goals through APEC: trade and investment liberalization, enhancing security, and improving the region’s business environment. In the most recent APEC summit in Hanoi, President Bush announced that the United States would double its support of APEC activities to roughly $5 million per year, beginning in 2007.
Secretary Rice acknowledged APEC’s increasingly important role in the region when she said, “APEC is emerging as the premier multilateral organization in the Asia-Pacific Region as it creates opportunities for sustainable growth.” I agree with the Secretary that one of the defining principles of our alliance in the decades to come should be this notion of sustainable growth. I also realize that it is nearly impossible to focus on growth while the issue of regional security is still an unresolved concern. However, we must remember that security challenges are surmountable, and working together we can overcome any and all obstacles.
Security
Currently, military cooperation continues to be a centerpiece of our bilateral relationship. Some of you in the audience here today might be concerned about the transfer of wartime operational control and the declining number of U.S. troops stationed in the region. But rest assured the United States remains fully committed to the security of the Peninsula and Northeast Asia. With advancements in modern weaponry, the United States is investing in new technology and bringing it to the region so that we may maintain our commitment, but with fewer personnel. The actual number of soldiers present is not the key indicator of our commitment to Korea. As we adapt for the 21st century, we are asking the military to be more flexible and to carry out more missions than we would normally have asked in the past. As such, our armed forces need to be flexible to the changing global geo-political climate and need to be mobile so that they may be dispatched around the world at a moment’s notice.
At its start, the U.S.-ROK security alliance was focused on defending against the threat posed by North Korea. But in the last few years, it has broadened its goals to encompass the promotion of the values of democracy, freedom and international cooperation around the world. Just over a year ago, our countries’ Presidents agreed to launch a high-level strategic dialogue called the Strategic Consultation for Allied Partnership (SCAP), reflecting Korea’s increasing international standing and its growing role on the world stage. During the two SCAP meetings in 2006, our senior officials discussed how we could work together on a number of global issues such as promoting democratic institutions and respect for human rights; cooperation on regional security, including stabilization and reconstruction; UN reform; and support for peacekeeping and relief efforts around the region and the world.
Our alliance has already taken on a global dimension. The Republic of Korea has played a key role in helping rebuild Iraq and Afghanistan by sending its forces to join in the international effort to bring freedom, peace and democracy to those nations. The ROK has joined countries across the globe to send humanitarian assistance to regions hit hard by natural disasters such as 2004’s Southeast Asia tsunami and the 2005 earthquake in South Asia, not to mention the hurricanes in the United States. I expect that in the future, American troops will have numerous opportunities to work closely with ROK soldiers as we engage in similar missions.
Sending troops to far-away countries for an unknown length of time is a sensitive issue for any government. I know that in every meeting between President Bush and President Roh, President Bush has expressed the gratitude and admiration of the American people for your Korean troops. I expect the armed forces from our two countries will develop an even stronger bond in the years to come as we work together with our international partners to defend democracy and peace throughout the world.
Challenges
Although I am greatly encouraged when I consider the future of the U.S.-ROK alliance, I would be remiss if I did not also address some of the challenges that I feel could slow down this progress or change the direction of our alliance.
As part of our effort to assure that USFK is welcome in Korea well in the future, we plan to consolidate and relocate several bases away from population centers, return some bases such as Yongsan Garrison to the Korean people, and transfer more missions and authority to the ROK’s armed forces. I hope our two governments can work with all parties involved in this complex process to ensure that the relocation can happen in a timely and orderly fashion. We want to vacate Yongsan as soon as possible. Also – and I must be completely transparent about this issue because I have a stake in it, as well – the sooner USFK relocates to Pyongtaek, the sooner we can begin the construction of a new Chancery building on a small corner of the garrison, at Camp Coiner.
One of my roles here in Korea is to continue to build the economic relationship between our two countries – an important element of our bilateral alliance. As your ally, the U.S. is pleased that one of the reasons for Korea’s prosperity has been the open and transparent access to the U.S. market that Korean companies have enjoyed, for example, in the automotive and electronics sectors. I am also happy to report that the situation is generally improving for U.S. firms trading and investing in Korea, as well.
We have before us a once-in-a-generation opportunity to strengthen our economic relations through the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement, or KORUS FTA. Trade is not a zero-sum game, and both our countries will become even stronger from a Free Trade Agreement that will boost exports and investment in both directions, create new businesses and new jobs, and enhance both countries’ competitiveness vis-à-vis other rising economies in the Asia-Pacific region. We have only to look at the contrasting picture on the two sides of the DMZ to see how important global trade and investment are to the prosperity of nations.
While we have made solid progress in our five rounds of FTA negotiations thus far, there is still much work to do and, as Commerce Secretary Gutierrez said last week, “the clock is ticking.” There are difficult decisions ahead, but I am optimistic that both sides understand the economic gains this FTA can bring, and will exercise the political will to make it happen. As the regional security issues are resolved and tensions are reduced, I believe our economic bonds can become a new pillar for a strong U.S.-Korea alliance.
Conclusion
In conclusion, I am confident that the U.S.-Korea alliance is strong and healthy because we continue to update and modernize our relations to reflect the changes in the region and the world. I look forward to the challenges of 2007 – and we’ll have many ranging from the FTA to OPCON transfer to the Six-Party Talks. I know that we’ll rise to meet these challenges, as we have always done in the past, so that the relationship between our two countries will emerge stronger than ever.
Thank you for listening. I look forward to the opportunity to hear your views and respond to your questions.